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 Illustration: Eleanor Shakespeare/Bridgeman Images/The Guardian.

Of course, it couldn’t happen here, right? As we children always said during the time of the Cold War when someone opposed us, “It’s a free country!” And if we had applied that to reading material, we would have known we could read whatever we wanted. No need to smuggle anything in.

Well, what would that be like? In an edited extract from Charlie English’s book about Poland, The Best Kept Secret of the Cold War, the Guardian gives us an idea.

“The volume’s glossy dust jacket shows a 1970s computer room, where high priests of the information age, dressed in kipper ties and flares, tap instructions into the terminals of some ancient mainframe. The only words on the front read ‘Master Operating Station,’ ‘Subsidiary Operating Station’ and ‘Free Standing Display.’ Is any publication less appetizing than an out-of-date technical manual?

“Turn inside, however, and the book reveals a secret. It isn’t a computer manual at all, but a Polish language edition of Nineteen Eighty-Four, George Orwell’s famous anti-totalitarian novel, which was banned for decades by communist censors in the eastern bloc.

“This copy lives now in the library of Warsaw University, but for much of the cold war it belonged to the Polish writer and dissident Teresa Bogucka. It was Teresa’s father, the art critic Janusz Bogucki, who first brought it to Poland. In 1957, during a window of liberalization that opened after Stalin’s death, Janusz picked up the Orwell translation from a Polish bookshop in Paris, smuggled it back through the border and gave it to his daughter. Teresa was only 10 or 11 years old then, but she was a precocious reader, and recognized the ways in which communist Poland mirrored Orwell’s fictional dystopian state. …

“Years later, in 1976, when Bogucka joined the emerging Polish opposition movement, she decided to create a library of books that had bypassed the state censor, and donated her own small collection, including this Nineteen Eighty-Four. The SB security service, Poland’s KGB, kept continual watch on her, eavesdropping on her conversations, arresting her and searching her apartment, so she asked neighbors to store the forbidden books. Much of the time, though, they would be circulating among readers, since this would be a ‘Flying Library,’ which rarely touched the  ground.

“Bogucka’s system of covert lending ran through a network of coordinators, each of whom was responsible for their own tight group of readers. She sorted the books into categories – politics, economics, history, literature – and divided them into packages of 10, before allocating each coordinator a particular day to pick up their parcel, which they carried away in a rucksack. The coordinator would drop the books back the following month at a different address, before picking up a new set.

“The demand for Bogucka’s books was such that soon she needed more, and these could only come from the west. Activist friends passed word to London, where émigré publishers arranged shipments of 30 or 40 volumes at a time, smuggling them through the iron curtain aboard the sleeper trains that shuttled back and forth between Paris and Moscow, stopping in Poland along the way. By 1978, Teresa Bogucka’s Flying Library had a stock of 500 prohibited titles.

“How many people read her copy of Orwell’s book in those crucial cold war years? Hundreds, probably thousands. And this was just one of millions of titles that arrived illegally in Poland at that time. As well as via trains, books arrived by every possible conveyance: aboard yachts; in secret compartments built into vans and trucks; by balloon; in the post. Mini-editions were slipped into the sheet music of touring musicians, or packed into food tins or Tampax boxes. In one instance, a copy of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s The Gulag Archipelago was carried on a flight to Warsaw hidden in a baby’s nappy.

“What some in the east suspected, but very few knew for sure, was that the uncensored literature flooding the country wasn’t reaching Poles by chance. It was sent as part of a decades-long US intelligence operation, known in Washington as the ‘CIA book program,’ designed, in the words of the program’s leader, George Minden, to assault the eastern bloc with an ‘offensive of free, honest thinking.’ Minden believed that ‘truth is contagious,’ and if they could only deliver it to the oppressed peoples of the Soviet zone, it was certain to have an effect.

“From today’s vantage point, when disinformation threatens western liberal democracy as never before, and censorship and book bans are once again turning schools and libraries into ideological battlegrounds, the CIA literary programs appear almost quaint.

Although they had political goals, they must rank among the most highbrow of psychological warfare operations.

“Along with copies of the Manchester Guardian Weekly and the New York Review of Books, the CIA sent works by blacklisted authors such as Boris Pasternak, Czesław Miłosz and Joseph Brodsky, anti-totalitarian writings by Hannah Arendt and Albert Camus, literary fiction from Philip Roth and Kurt Vonnegut, writing advice from Virginia Woolf, the plays of Václav Havel and Bertolt Brecht, and the spy thrillers of John le Carré.

“Later, as well as smuggling books, the CIA would fund and ship presses and printing equipment into Poland, so that the banned titles could be reproduced in huge quantities by underground printers in situ. Few individuals were more central to these latter operations than the dissident publisher Mirosław Chojecki, known to the CIA by the cryptonym QRGUIDE.

“On a Tuesday evening in March 1980, the police came to arrest Chojecki for the 43rd time.”

Exciting stuff! Read more at the Guardian, here. No firewall.

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Photo: Lenora Chu.
Ewa Łętowska, the elder stateswoman who helped build the legal framework of democratic Poland after communism, sits in her Warsaw flat last February.

Never underestimate the power of a woman. It may be under the radar, but woe to those who think they can always manipulate the quiet ones.

Lenora Chu of the Christian Science Monitor recalls, “It was late fall of 1987 in Poland, and the economic and social forces here were fueling tremors that would eventually fell communism across the Soviet bloc.

“Among a group of influential men – law professors – at a dinner party one evening was a Communist Party member brainstorming how to throw a bone to pro-democracy activists. The group was tasked with floating a name for a human rights ombudsman; that of legal scholar Ewa Łętowska kept surfacing. A devoted academic who had pumped out two decades of legal research on topics as benign as consumer protections and contract law, she was a respectable but safe choice.

“ ‘They said, “We want a woman, because women might be easier to manipulate,” ‘ Ms. Łętowska says in an interview in her Warsaw flat, lined floor to ceiling with books and opera records. She laughs at this memory that she possesses only because her lawyer husband was among the men feasting on schnitzel at that monthly table for regulars.

“If it was a wallflower they wanted, it turned out to be a miscalculation of historic proportion: They launched a stateswoman.

“Her trajectory as Poland’s top human rights thinker, she says, started ‘loudly, and with a bang’ when she was named the country’s human rights ombudsman soon after the dinner party, pioneering the balance between the state and the individual in the waning days of communism.

“She was an accidental influencer who, four decades later, now in her 80s, is a sought-after talking head, issuing viral social media posts about democracy. And when voters sent their right-wing government packing last October, a coalition of progressives turned to the wisdom and experience of Ms. Łętowska and her contemporaries.

“They’re looking for help to fix Poland’s institutions after the populists turned the country away from the European Union, rolled back civil rights such as abortion, took over the media and judiciary, and questioned the country’s humanitarian aid duties.

” ‘Ms. Łętowska’s value to Polish society cannot be overstated, says Helena Chmielewska-Szlajfer, a sociologist and assistant professor at Koźmiński University. ‘She’s a living legend, and she has the authority of this wise, powerful woman who set the institutions right in the beginning. She worked on this at a time it was the hardest – the intermediary stage between communism and democracy. And she still has much to say.’

“In 1980, the world saw burly Solidarity unionist Lech Wałęsa leading a revolt against communist authorities for worker rights – and eventually winning a Nobel Prize for it. But it was the progressive technocrats quietly blooming in that politically fertile time who did the less spectacular but essential work of building a democratic legal framework.

“Until then, Ms. Łętowska had forged her career as an impartial civil law professor, neither courting the communist regime nor joining the opposition. [She] now confidently says she … ‘was a state official to society, who brought more dialogue, more transparency. At the same time, I didn’t want a political future.’

“In an era when one didn’t easily trust one’s neighbor, there was little subversive in her ‘good girl’ youth to suggest she would emerge a strong voice for human rights and democracy. … On rare study trips abroad — few Polish scholars were trusted to leave the country — she might use German colleagues’ photocopiers to reproduce expensive legal tomes, like handbooks and casebooks on human rights law. …

“After law school in the 1960s, she published articles about civic law issues, rising through the ranks as a professor at the Polish Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Law Studies.

“A trip to the West – Hamburg, Germany – in the early 1980s was a turning point. She happened upon a demonstration by feminists. … From the other side of the street, she could see citizens hurling insults at the women.

“ ‘And in between you could see a line of police, with stone faces making sure no one gets hurt, being completely indifferent, and providing this space for demonstrating,’ says Ms. Łętowska. ‘It was the first time in my life I saw police not beating demonstrators – but rather protecting them. This is how I finally understood how things should be.’

‘The people of Hamburg would never know how much credit they should take, quite by accident, in my education,’ she says.

“Half a decade after that trip, she was named Poland’s first human rights official, judging the conduct of the state toward its citizens. … Should political parties have to register with the state? No, she famously wrote in 1988, when Poland was still under communist rule: ‘The constitution stated clearly: if parties want to form, let them form. Registration is required only for associations.’ …

“After the communist regime fell in 1989, she found herself among the legal scholars helping to modernize the Polish Constitution.”

More at the Monitor, here. Piotr Żakowiecki contributed to this report.

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